trumps racism has inspired a Blue wave


POLITICS AMERICAN SOUTH
Stacey Abrams Could Become America's First Black Female Governor—If She Can Turn Georgia Blue

By MOLLY BALL July 26, 2018
People tend to remember the first time they heard Stacey Abrams speak, and it’s easy to see why. On a Friday afternoon in May, the Democratic nominee for governor of Georgia is at a union hall in Augusta, telling a story about her father, a college-educated black man who was relegated by his race to working at a shipyard in southern Mississippi in the 1970s. The family had one car, so Robert Abrams would sometimes hitchhike home in the middle of the night. When he didn’t come home one time, the rest of the family set out to pick him up and found him half-frozen by the side of the road, having given his coat to a homeless man. They asked why he, a poor man on a lonely road at night, would do such a thing. And Robert said, “Because I knew you were coming for me.”


You can hear scattered sniffles in the union hall as his daughter pauses. Then she roars: “I am coming for you, Georgia! Help me get there!”

This kind of moment is one reason why Abrams, 44, has a chance to become America’s first black female governor. Describe someone as “commanding the room” and you generally conjure an image of gravitas–a man, likely white, in a suit, emitting soaring oratory. Abrams is a big-boned, natural-haired, youthful-looking woman with a quizzical smile and a gap between her front teeth. She’s as likely to geek out about tax policy or Star Trek as she is to summon the spirit of justice. Yet when she speaks, all kinds of people–from black folks in rural communities to yuppie “resistance” moms around Atlanta to this crowd of rough-handed electrical workers–go quiet and listen. In a Democratic Party divided and desperate for fresh faces, Abrams is already becoming a national star.

“I know talent when I see it,” says Valerie Jarrett, a former top adviser to Barack Obama, who tells me she sees the same kind of “unusual” skills in Abrams: “I see somebody who campaigns authentically, has character and integrity, is resilient and graceful, and who is able to take the long view and ignore a lot of noise.”

Whether she can win is another matter. Georgia has grown purpler as its demographics shift, and November could bring a national Democratic wave driven by women and people of color. Abrams will benefit from a well-funded campaign and a divisive opponent, Georgia secretary of state Brian Kemp, who emerged battered from a primary runoff on July 24. But in a state that hasn’t elected a Democratic governor in two decades, Abrams remains an underdog. “There’s no question the state is becoming more diverse, but that doesn’t mean a conservative state has all of a sudden become liberal,” says Whit Ayres, a Washington-based Republican pollster who has worked extensively in Georgia. All of Abrams’ charisma, money and momentum won’t matter if the political math doesn’t add up.


On the other hand, if she can pull it off, the implications would be profound, not just for Georgia but for the whole region and potentially the nation. Ever since Bill Clinton won re-election in 1996 with a strategy of triangulation, Democrats have tried to win in Republican territory by appealing to white centrist voters. The idea was to combine them with the Democrats’ base, but it frequently left white voters cold and the base unenthused. Abrams’ campaign is built on the proposition that a compelling candidate can get elected in the South with a progressive message that attracts liberal whites and minorities to the polls in greater numbers.

If she’s right, Abrams could show the wilderness-wandering Democrats a new way, says Ilyse Hogue, head of the abortion-rights group NARAL. “We’ve seen women run like men a lot, and Stacey is not doing that,” Hogue says. “The script of how you run for office has been determined for eons by white men telling everybody else what to do, and Stacey Abrams said, ‘No, thank you.'” Her campaign isn’t just a playbook; it’s an act of imagination. And so, like any unprecedented effort, there’s a good chance it could fail.


“My sister says I live in the gap between gentrification and the ghetto,” Abrams says cheerfully, welcoming me to her three-story townhouse on the east side of Atlanta on a recent Saturday night. She has just returned from a whirlwind trip to New York City and San Francisco, appearing on Late Night With Seth Meyers, fundraising and hawking her new book, Minority Leader, because what better does a businesswoman-novelist-lawyer-activist-politician have to do with her time, really, than write a memoir and go on tour?

Since Abrams is single and lives alone, a rare night at home is an opportunity to see her close-knit family. Two of her five siblings, 41-year-old Richard and 36-year-old Jeanine, have brought their kids over for a dinner of salad and spaghetti in her combined living-and-dining room, which is lined floor to ceiling with family photos, African art and books: Aristotle, Elmore Leonard, Neil Gaiman, Robert Caro. The siblings banter while the kids tear around. As Richard, a soft-spoken social worker, teases Jeanine, a microbiologist at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, about her cat Pepper’s weight, Abrams stands behind her sister’s back and gestures to indicate the cat’s girth. “He glares at you,” she grins. “Like, ‘You will give me that food, or I will kill you.'”


Abrams campaigns at a barbecue restaurant in Atlanta on July 2
Abrams campaigns at a barbecue restaurant in Atlanta on July 2 Akasha Rabut for TIME
Abrams was born into a family that her mother Carolyn termed “genteel poor,” because they watched PBS and read books but had no money. Carolyn once dropped out of third grade because she couldn’t pay the fee that segregated school buses charged. (A kindly neighbor gave her work, and she graduated as valedictorian.) Abrams, the second oldest, was born in Wisconsin while her mother was in graduate school, but spent most of her childhood in Gulfport, Miss., where Carolyn’s advanced degree was good for a job as a librarian, earning less than the school janitor. “They went away for education, but when they got back to Mississippi, they were still black,” Abrams says of her parents. The house was tiny, and sometimes the electricity or water got cut off, but her parents’ code was strict: “Go to church, go to school, take care of each other.” Having nothing, they said, was not an excuse for doing nothing.


When Abrams was in high school, her parents were called to the Methodist ministry, and the family moved to Atlanta so they could attend seminary. Abrams graduated from Spelman College and Yale Law School, then became a tax attorney and worked for the city of Atlanta. She also wrote romance novels under a pen name and started several businesses. One, a bottled-water company for babies, led to another, a payment company that serves small businesses. The idea came from the experience of the water company, which couldn’t afford to wait for payment after filling orders. “People say, ‘Oh, that’s so obvious. Why didn’t anybody think of it before?'” says Lara Hodgson, Abrams’ business partner.

In 2006, Abrams ran for the state house of representatives, winning a Democratic primary for an open seat. In the legislature, she earned a reputation as being detail-oriented and not afraid to question her elders. “If she challenged you on a point, she was going to be right,” says Carolyn Hugley, a 25-year house veteran who became one of her mentors. “As a woman, sometimes men don’t appreciate that kind of thing.” Abrams was known as a talented speaker and bill reader, but other Democrats sometimes bridled at her know-it-all tendencies, according to Bill Crane, an Atlanta-based political analyst.


Abrams used her legal experience to pore over the text of proposals. Early in her tenure, when a Republican legislator was struggling to explain the details of his own bill, she passed him a helpful note, and then another, and another. Finally he sat down next to her and let her explain it for him, she recalls. At the end of the hearing, she was the only one on the panel to vote against the bill, a minor regulatory measure. The Republican was shocked; why had she helped him? “I said, ‘Look, I think your bill is a bad idea. I just don’t think it should be bad law,'” Abrams says. “After that, Republicans would bring me their bills and ask me to look at them. They didn’t always agree with me, but they knew they could trust me, and not every disagreement has to become a battle.”


In 2010, Abrams was elected house minority leader, becoming the first woman to lead a caucus in either chamber of the legislature. Georgia, which had been mostly led by Democrats since Reconstruction, was undergoing a rapid shift to Republican dominance, and the 2010 Republican wave had put all statewide offices in GOP hands. Still, Abrams was able to gain leverage for the badly outnumbered Democrats through her command of the issues and by exploiting Republican divisions. The current GOP governor, Nathan Deal, is a business-friendly moderate who has vetoed religious-liberty and firearms bills. Abrams worked with him on criminal-justice reforms that have been hailed nationally for reducing prison costs without increasing crime. She worked with Republicans to secure the state’s biggest-ever public-transportation funding package and to prevent a popular scholarship program from being cut. In the gubernatorial primary, her Democratic opponent, former state legislator Stacey Evans, accused Abrams of being too willing to cooperate with Republicans.


If elected, Abrams vows to be “the public education governor,” boosting Georgia’s education budget after years of painful cuts. She would expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act and enhance state services for people like her brother Walter, a heroin addict and ex-convict whose story she tells to illustrate her personal connection to criminal-justice and mental-health issues. Georgia’s economy is booming, but Abrams points out that the wealth is not widely shared and promises to make the state’s development more inclusive by encouraging small business.

Abrams holds liberal positions on social issues, but she considers herself a pragmatist. She likes to boast that she was once given a Friend of Labor award and an “A” rating from the Georgia Chamber of Commerce in the same year. Still, some of her proudest achievements aren’t bills she passed but Republican efforts she stopped. In 2011, as one of the Democrats appointed to a commission to study the state’s tax system, she argued that the Republican proposal to cut income taxes while raising a sales tax on cable service would increase the amount most people paid. When the committee ignored her, she asked the chair for an electronic copy of the fiscal model used to construct the bill. “He said yes, because he did not know what that was,” she tells me with a grin. Abrams took home the data and reorganized it by income level to show that 82% of Georgia families would see their taxes go up. She organized her findings by legislative district, put it into a color-coded spreadsheet and left a copy on every desk in the house. The tax overhaul failed, and on the campaign trail Abrams can credibly boast of having single-handedly stopped the largest tax increase in Georgia history.


Abrams will face Kemp, who won a GOP runoff on July 24, in November’s general election
Abrams will face Kemp, who won a GOP runoff on July 24, in November’s general election Curtis Compton—Atlanta Journal-Constitution/TNS/Sipa
Back at Abrams’ house, the discussion bounces between family stories, politics and history. Talk of livestock reminds Abrams of her opposition to legalizing backyard chicken coops statewide, on the grounds that local jurisdictions should decide. “Some of these libertarians, it’s like they read the back of the manifesto but not the whole thing,” she says drily. The siblings’ parents, now nearing 70, moved back to Mississippi after seminary, where they were driven into further penury helping parishioners who had been overlooked by FEMA recovery from Hurricane Katrina. The Abrams’ church, Richard says, was the only place in their segregated, two-stoplight town that served both blacks and whites.


Abrams recalls how their father stopped her eldest sister Andrea’s graduation when the principal got her name wrong, and interrupted another awards ceremony when only half of her sister Leslie’s honors were announced. (Andrea is now an anthropology professor, Leslie a federal judge.) In the background of Abrams’ victory speech, he can be heard shouting, “That’s my daughter!” When she filed her candidacy for governor, her parents surprised her by driving all night to appear at the Capitol. “My daddy’s more stubborn than me,” Abrams says with a sigh.

The next morning, Abrams skips church to sleep in and catch up on a favorite show, Supernatural. Its warrior angels and demons “create some very interesting theological questions,” she muses, settling onto her cream-colored sofa to talk about the campaign. In her primary victory, Abrams got 76% of the Democratic vote and won 153 of 159 counties; 199,681 more Democrats voted than in the last midterm primary four years ago, a 57% increase. That November, Deal won the gubernatorial race by 202,000 votes.


Abrams says her biggest obstacle is getting people to believe victory is possible. “Georgia is different now, but it’s hard for people to believe that change happens,” she says. “You don’t notice change when it’s gradual. My campaign seeks to harness it, but I’m asking people to not believe their eyes.”

Despite its red-state reputation, Georgia is more diverse than Virginia and bluer than Alabama, two Southern states that recently elected Democrats who ran on expanding health care. The economic focus of Virginia Governor Ralph Northam and Alabama Senator Doug Jones contrasted with culture-warrior opponents whose messages echoed President Trump’s. Jones’ win also highlighted the power of black women voters, particularly in the South. Kemp, Abrams’ opponent, aired primary ads that showed him threatening a teenager with a loaded rifle and vowing to personally round up illegal immigrants.


Although Abrams’ central priorities are budget-focused, she’s to the left of most Georgia voters on polarizing issues like gun rights, Confederate monuments and kneeling NFL players. But she has an underrated ability to connect with rural and working-class whites along class lines. Her campaign signs are popping up in affluent white suburban neighborhoods, and some early polling has shown her ahead of Kemp. Crane, the analyst, says Georgians generally want a commonsense conservative, not a “politically incorrect conservative,” as Kemp styles himself.

Abrams argues that if Obama could lose Georgia by just 5 points without campaigning there, she can make up the difference with a rigorous campaign, including a well-staffed field program. Her campaign raised $2.75 million in the last quarter from over 30,000 donors; the state’s software rejected the file containing her campaign-finance report for being too large. “We’re building a new coalition that hasn’t been built for a Democrat in Georgia in the current era,” says her campaign manager, Lauren Groh-Wargo. “That’s what it’s going to take. Communities of color plus progressive-leaning whites are a majority of the population.” The problem for Democrats is that they don’t necessarily vote, and even many Abrams allies doubt she can get enough of them to do so. “She has to do record minority turnout and then carry 25% to 30% of the white vote,” Crane says.


Abrams has never faced a real Republican opponent before. But she does have experience beating the GOP with her new coalition. In 2011, Republicans used the redistricting process to tilt the electoral map in their favor, drawing themselves enough seats in the state house to win a two-thirds majority based on expected voting patterns. A supermajority would allow the GOP to pass constitutional amendments, so in the 2012 election, Abrams made it her mission to stop them from getting it. To do that, Democrats had to win four Republican seats.

Abrams recruited candidates like Kimberly Alexander, a black former IBM executive in exurban, overwhelmingly white Paulding County. She trained them, staffed them and wrote their talking points and campaign mailers. She traveled the country with a 20-page slide deck to convince national Democratic funders to pitch in. She instructed the candidates, who signed a contract that committed them to a grueling canvassing schedule, to focus on education, the economy and good government. “Republicans had the majority of the voters, but they had drawn into each of those districts a sizable minority population that they presumed would not vote,” Abrams says. “And they presumed there was no universe where that minority population would form a coalition with white Democrats to win.”


Today Alexander is a state representative, as are just enough of Abrams’ other recruits that Republicans never reached the two-thirds mark. It’s successes like these that make Abrams believe she can do what few thought possible. And now she is coming for Georgia.

Cortez and people like Hayes refreshing in this age of Orange Bone Spur draft dogger coward Cultist.

Lets se who is laughing stock after Midterms


Trump deserves some credit with this Revolution young women in record numbers running for office It proves even with the most tragic, disgraceful, Admin in US history you can find some good.

Red Tide vs Bluewave Cant wait for midterms!

Jahana Hayes, 2016 Teacher of the Year, could be Connecticut's first black Democrat in Congress
The former teen mother, who earned educator accolades from President Barack Obama just two years ago, never thought she'd run for office.
by Jane C. Timm / Aug.18.2018 / 5:03 AM ET
Jahana Hayes
Jahana Hayes wins the Democratic primary for 5th District, defeating Mary Glassman in Waterbury, Connecticut on Aug. 14, 2018.John Woike / Hartford Courant via AP
The day after Justice Anthony Kennedy announced he was retiring and opening up a second Supreme Court seat for President Donald Trump to fill, one of Jahana Hayes' ex-students got in her car and drove four hours to volunteer for her former teacher's congressional campaign.

“She said, ‘I realized I have never had to fight for a woman’s right to choose,’” Hayes told NBC News, days after the 2016 National Teacher of the Year secured a decisive victory in Connecticut’s 5th district Democratic primary. “She volunteered all day, then drove back to Philadelphia. I couldn’t believe it when she walked through the door.”




Candidate Jahana Hayes: Democrats must be open to change
AUG.16.201809:30
Hayes' campaign was full of such moments.

The first-time candidate, who kept working full-time throughout her bid, mobilized a small army of volunteers that included 100 former students to power her to victory over the state party-backed candidate in just 102 days of campaigning.

She is one of the dozens of Democratic women running and winning their primary bids this year, with many embracing their gender and sometimes painful personal histories while out-performing establishment, often male, opponents. If she wins in November, Hayes will be the state’s first black Democrat in Congress.

Hayes, 45, said she believes it was her personal journey from single teenage mother who needed help from her community to an educator and volunteer who contributes to it that resonated with voters.

She grew up in a Waterbury, Connecticut, housing project. Her mother struggled with drug addiction, and after Hayes became pregnant at 17, she raised her daughter alone. She got herself through university, and started teaching history where her ability to connect with students earned her accolades and eventually statewide and national recognition.

"Jahana inspires her students to give back. I think she understands that actually sometimes the less you have, the more valuable it is to see yourself giving, because that shows you the power and the influence that you can bring to bear on the world around you," President Barack Obama said, announcing her 2016 Teacher of the Year award.

Hayes spent 15 years teaching history and government, and now works training teachers in the Waterbury public schools. She never considered politics until the Trump era, which left her sitting in front of her television frustrated by the state of the nation — "like everyone else," she said — and wondering what she could do.

Image: President Obama Honors the Teachers of the YearPresident Barack Obama, right, honors the 2016 National Teacher of the Year, Jahana Hayes, left, and finalists in the East Room of the White House in Washington on May 3, 2016.Olivier Douliery / EPA
After Democratic Rep. Elizabeth Esty dropped her re-election bid earlier this year amid a scandal involving accusations that she protected a male staffer accused of abuse, Hayes decided that the thing she could do was run for Esty's seat, even if it meant going up against another Democrat with the establishment support and credentials. The district had been blue for more than a decade, but Esty's departure had made the seat more vulnerable to a Republican, and many people told her she she had no chance of raising the money and support to win in just a few months.

But raise money she did: Hayes collected nearly half a million dollars by the end of July, according to financial disclosure reports, and went into the last few weeks of the campaign with $359,000 cash on hand.

In the primary on Tuesday, Hayes faced off against Mary Glassman, a longtime elected official and attorney. The two had similar platforms, though Hayes advocated more strongly for universal Medicare while Glassman urged fiscal caution on the matter.

Dozens of high schools scrap varsity football programs after struggling to fill positions
But their personal stories offered voters a distinction: Hayes stressed overcoming enormous obstacles at a young age and working with students, while Glassman offered political experience and a history balancing budgets. Hayes listed at least $115,000 in student debt plus a mortgage on her financial disclosure forms; Glassman reported $1.2 million in assets.

Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., who had encouraged Hayes to run, called her “a breath of fresh air” after her win with 62 percent percent of the vote.

"We’re seeing more and more that authenticity and — with all due respect to consultants including myself — just being who you are is more relatable to voters than the made-for-TV political look," said Democratic strategist Rodell Mollineau.

In November, Hayes will face the former mayor of Meriden, Republican Manny Santos, who has so far lagged in fundraising.




Jahana Hayes: Time for generational change in Democratic leadership
JUL.22.201806:25
Hayes said her campaign didn’t follow any kind of traditional playbook and sought to get creative in event planning and social media as much as possible. They relied more heavily on volunteers than strategists, she said.

One such volunteer? Nine-year-old Lamar Johnson.

Johnson, who knew Hayes through church, showed up at campaign headquarters during his summer vacation and said he wanted to "to talk to people about Mrs. Hayes."

Johnson came back day after day to volunteer and on Monday, he surpassed the entire campaign in voter contacts.

“The day before the election, he made contact with 464 people,” she said. “He called people, and talked about Mrs. Hayes.”



Edited 1 time(s). Last edit at 08/19/2018 04:56AM by riverhousebill.